Different adaptation patterns of English /f/ in Korean loanword phonology: cases of direct borrowing and indirect borrowingDifferent adaptation patterns of English /f/ in Korean loanword phonology: cases of direct borrowing and indirect borrowing
- Other Titles
- Different adaptation patterns of English /f/ in Korean loanword phonology: cases of direct borrowing and indirect borrowing
- Authors
- 초미희; 이신숙
- Issue Date
- 2010
- Publisher
- 한국음운론학회
- Keywords
- loanword adaptation; English voiceless labiodental fricative; Optimality Theory; direct borrowing; indirect borrowing
- Citation
- 음성음운형태론연구, v.16, no.2, pp.259 - 277
- Indexed
- KCI
- Journal Title
- 음성음운형태론연구
- Volume
- 16
- Number
- 2
- Start Page
- 259
- End Page
- 277
- URI
- https://scholar.korea.ac.kr/handle/2021.sw.korea/117547
- DOI
- 10.17959/sppm.2010.16.2.259
- ISSN
- 1226-8690
- Abstract
- This paper investigates the different adaptation patterns of English /f/ in Korean loanword phonology, employing Optimality Theory. In Korean loanword phonology, the target /f/ can be realized in various ways depending on borrowing sources: [ph] in direct borrowing from English /f/ and/or [hw]/[hu] in indirect borrowing via Japanese /Φ/. The same constraint ranking is posited to account for the various realizations of the target /f/ in both direct borrowing and indirect borrowing across different prosodic locations. Specifically, deviated forms from the target /f/ emerge because of the high-ranked markedness constraint of *Structure which prohibits segments that are not present in the Korean phonemic inventory. The realization of [hw]/[hu] in indirect borrowing via Japanese is accounted for by the constraint of Category preservation whereby the source /Φ/ best matches to the Korean /h/ in terms of category. Category preservation is irrelevant for the realization of [ph] in direct borrowing because there is no matching category in Korean for the target /f/. Further, it is shown that /f/ is realized as [hu] in word-initial onset position when the target /f/ occurs in a consonant cluster in the source language, due to the constraint OCP. It is also shown that the realization of /f/ as [ph□] in word-final coda position can be accounted for by the generalized Release-to-vowel insertion constraint.
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