수문의 섬과 재생 전략

Abstract

This paper investigates the island (in)sensitivity of sluicing. Boeckx (2008) and Wang (2007) analyze sluicing as an instance of TP ellipsis in which a resumptive pronoun occupies the wh-trace position after a sluiced wh-phrase moves to an operator position. Given that the resumptive pronoun is a stranded portion of the moved phrase which it associates with (Boeckx 2003), the resumption approach seems to provide a better account for the island-insensitivity of sluicing, in that the underlying structure of sluicing does not involve any island violation at the outset due to resumption. However, this naive resumption strategy cannot explain why sprouting sluicing and contrastive sluicing are sensitive to islands. Regarding the island-sensitivity of certain sluicing, we propose that resumption is suppressed in sprouting sluicing and contrastive sluicing for some reasons. To explain why, we resort to Boeckx's (2003) observation that resumption is restricted to D-linking and clefting. We argue that both sprouting sluicing and contrastive sluicing are not D-linked and cannot be derived from cleft sentences.