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Why-최소공백화: TP 생략과 섬제약 효과

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dc.contributor.author김정석-
dc.date.accessioned2021-09-03T12:32:50Z-
dc.date.available2021-09-03T12:32:50Z-
dc.date.created2021-06-17-
dc.date.issued2017-
dc.identifier.issn1598-1398-
dc.identifier.urihttps://scholar.korea.ac.kr/handle/2021.sw.korea/85487-
dc.description.abstractKim, Jeongseok. 2017. Why-Stripping: TP Ellipsis and Island Effects. Korean Journal of English Language and Linguistics 17-2, 255-274. Yoshida et al. (2015) argue that Why-Stripping is an instance of TP ellipsis, preceded by focus movement. However, the remnant, following why in Why-Stripping, is not a focus but a topic which is linked to the previous discourse in that it is uttered. In this light, we argue that Why-Stripping results from topic movement followed by TP ellipsis. Given this analysis, we can shed light on the puzzle that Not-Stripping, Fragment, Sprouting Sluicing, and Contrast Sluicing―which are not D-linked―observe island constraints, but Why-Stripping and Merger Sluicing―which are D-linked―do not.-
dc.languageKorean-
dc.language.isoko-
dc.publisher한국영어학회-
dc.titleWhy-최소공백화: TP 생략과 섬제약 효과-
dc.title.alternativeWhy-Stripping: TP Ellipsis and Island Effects-
dc.typeArticle-
dc.contributor.affiliatedAuthor김정석-
dc.identifier.doi10.15738/kjell.17.2.201706.255-
dc.identifier.bibliographicCitation영어학, v.17, no.2, pp.255 - 274-
dc.relation.isPartOf영어학-
dc.citation.title영어학-
dc.citation.volume17-
dc.citation.number2-
dc.citation.startPage255-
dc.citation.endPage274-
dc.type.rimsART-
dc.identifier.kciidART002231588-
dc.description.journalClass2-
dc.description.journalRegisteredClasskci-
dc.subject.keywordAuthorD-linking-
dc.subject.keywordAuthorFocus-
dc.subject.keywordAuthorIsland Constraints-
dc.subject.keywordAuthorRepair-by-Ellipsis-
dc.subject.keywordAuthorResumption-
dc.subject.keywordAuthorSluicing-
dc.subject.keywordAuthorStripping-
dc.subject.keywordAuthorTopic-
dc.subject.keywordAuthorWhy-Stripping-
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문과대학 (영어영문학과)
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