ScholarWorks@Korea University: Min, Young

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Min, Young (민영)

College of Media&Communication

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Tel 2265
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political participation:7||정치참여:7||Political Participation:3||적대적 매체 지각:3||News Media:3||정치 참여:3||선택적 노출:3||News frames:3||후보자 호감도:3||정치지식:2||media distrust:2||CrossCutting Exposure:2||태도 극화:2||인터넷 이용:2||North Korean Refugees:2||대인 커뮤니케이션:2||Message Explicitness:2||뉴스 프레임:2||노년층:2||청소년:2||정치대화:2||정치 대화:2||Framing Effects:2||Frame Sponsors:2||policy attributes:2||media perceptions:2||후보자 이미지:2||Political Knowledge:2||Media Uses:2||Interpersonal Communication:2||Japanese ‘Comfort Women’:2||정치 팟캐스트:2||Political Socialization:2||Political Trust:2||Collective Action Frames:2||audiencemedia relationships:2||political trust:2||political learning:2||Selective Exposure:2||미디어 이용:2||Symbolic Labeling:2||Attribution:2||프레이밍 효과:2||Social Movements:2||Frame Alignment:2||personal attributes:2||언론 신뢰:2||political podcasts:2||polarization:2||정치가치:2||Locus of Control:2||Agenda formation:2||candidate attribute agenda:2||자발적 시민참여모형:2||candidate favorability:2||관여도:2||Political Interest:2||interpersonal communication:2||intermedia agenda setting:2||media cynicism:2||Political Talk:2||정치학습:2||북한이탈주민:2||정치사회화:2||정치 신뢰:2||exit poll:1||관점 수용:1||Legal actions:1||Thirdperson effect:1||법적대응:1||규제태도:1||Older adults:1||프레임 경쟁:1||frame competition:1||adolescents:1||longitudinal analysis:1||political knowledge:1||partisan bias:1||Computer games:1||selective exposure:1||내재적 심리 욕구:1||Internet Addiction:1||인지부조화:1||entertainment:1||시민참여:1||civic participation:1||적대적 여론 지각:1||social alienation:1||media uses:1||인터넷 이용　•　정보격차　•　접근성　•　활용성　•　참여:1||Late adolescents:1||Political values:1||Freedom:1||Thematic frame:1||deliberative democracy:1||Campaign Media:1||the 18th congressional election:1||공정성:1||reporting quality:1||시각적 이미지:1||COVID19 vaccine:1||misinformation:1||다양성 풍토 인식:1||Older and Younger AdultsPolitical ParticipationCivic Voluntarism Model Digital Media Use:1||수용·거부 요인:1||AI 커버 음악:1||재난보도:1||정치 편향성:1||campaign news:1||journalistic roles:1||미러링:1||Perspectivetaking:1||Media effects:1||제도적 정치참여:1||디지털 미디어:1||프레임 강도:1||autoregressive crosslagged model:1||게임 이용:1||가짜뉴스효과:1||news selectivity:1||journalistic professionalism:1||political talk:1||스포츠중재프로그램:1||청소년폭력:1||지향적 동기:1||탈극화:1||Cognitive Dissonance:1||vote choice:1||대선 투표 참여 의사:1||voting intention:1||2012 South Korean Presidential Election:1||정보화세대:1||psychological adaptation:1||사회자본:1||Social Networks:1||Internet users　•　digital divide　•　digital access　•　digital literacy　•　Participation:1||투표 행위:1||Candidate Favorability:1||2020 parliamentary election:1||political influencer channels:1||fairness:1||Framing Theory:1||조직 커뮤니케이션:1||정보적 효과:1||프레임 정렬:1||COVID19 백신:1||난민:1||다양성 수용도:1||APC factors:1||Generativity:1||Older and younger adults:1||Aging effects:1||AIDUA model:1||생성형 AI 콘텐츠:1||political bias:1||victims’ voices:1||candidate attributes:1||Media trust:1||Feminism:1||institutional and noninstitutional political participation:1||고령사회:1||Digital Media:1||user comments:1||aggression:1||fake news:1||정치적 이견경청:1||Accuracy Goals:1||뉴스:1||support for gay rights:1||정치관심:1||심리적 적응:1||정치적 집단정체감:1||NonPolitical Online Community:1||The Public Interest:1||Religious Broadcasting:1||Social Capital:1||시민의식:1||통제의 소재:1||책임귀인:1||Core values:1||주제적 프레임:1||deliberative political dialogue:1||토론회 형식:1||토론수행능력:1||candidate messages:1||뉴스미디어:1||Vote Choice:1||online/offline news media:1||보도 품질:1||YouTube:1||Relational Effects:1||집합행위프레임:1||개인속성:1||극화:1||논조:1||science news:1||refugee:1||anger:1||조직 만족도:1||compositional diversity:1||openness to diversity:1||organizational satisfaction:1||연령효과:1||Generational effects:1||기술 수용 모델:1||어포던스:1||acceptance & rejection factors:1||AIDUA 모델:1||news media trust:1||Attribute agenda setting:1||페미니즘:1||명예훼손:1||Connectedness:1||Technology acceptance model (TAM):1||factchecking journalism:1||transparency:1||젠더 격차:1||온라인 뉴스 환경:1||online news environment:1||이견회피행위:1||partisan selective avoidance:1||fact checking:1||Sportrelated Intervention:1||교차노출:1||news:1||entertainment media:1||제삼자 지각:1||동기적 임계치:1||2012년 대한민국 18대 대통령 선거:1||hostile media perceptions:1||political values:1||internet use:1||the digital generation:1||대인커뮤니케이션:1||immigrant minorities:1||North Korean refugees:1||hostile media perception:1||hostile opinion perception:1||종교방송:1||메시지 명시성:1||Attributional patterns:1||Episodic frame:1||핵심 가치:1||귀인 양식:1||communication:1||political disagreement:1||후보자 메시지:1||debate format:1||debate performance:1||Homosexuality:1||언론:1||프레임 후원자:1||정책속성:1||정치화:1||Movementcountermovement interaction:1||generative AI content:1||online news outlets:1||무례한 표현:1||Defamation:1||미디어 영향력:1||impartiality:1||비제도적 정치참여:1||Gender Gap:1||사실확인(factchecking):1||정파적 선택성:1||정치극화:1||정파적 편향성:1||press trust:1||게임중독:1||Election:1||candidate images:1||attribution framing:1||third person perceptions:1||interaction effects:1||motivational threshold:1||Attitude Polarization:1||Political Group Identification:1||제도 신뢰:1||System Trust:1||Participatory Intention:1||Internet communication:1||Citizenship:1||사이버 모욕죄:1||소통:1||온·오프라인 뉴스미디어:1||커뮤니케이션 매개 모델:1||voting:1||유튜브:1||프레임:1||시각적 프레임:1||동성애:1||Visual Frames:1||관계적 효과:1||일본군 ‘위안부’:1||후보자 속성의제:1||과학 뉴스:1||전략 프레임:1||strategic frame:1||tone:1||고정관념:1||분노:1||대학:1||university:1||청년층:1||세대효과:1||Generative AI Chatbot:1||technology acceptance model:1||affordance:1||AI cover music:1||피해자 관점:1||sourcing practices:1||affective priming:1||Mirroring:1||Incivility:1||제삼자 효과:1||civic voluntarism model:1||the aged society:1||Gender:1||공격성:1||종단분석:1||자기회귀교차지연모형:1||fake news effects:1||partisan selectivity:1||Game coverage:1||Political Entertainment:1||Youth Violence:1||정확성 동기:1||엔터테인먼트:1||homosexuality:1||value framing:1||the 386 generation:1||정치신뢰:1||우호적 여론 지각:1||비정치적 온라인 커뮤니티:1||방송 공익성:1||사회정치적 참여의지:1||상징적 이름짓기:1||Security:1||일화적 프레임:1||discussion network heterogeneity:1||대화연결망의 다양성:1||Candidate Images:1||Image Attributes:1||communicationmediation model:1||정치시사 인플루언서 채널:1||Direct Broadcast Satellite:1||Informational Effects:1||사회운동:1||stereotypes:1||투표 선택 요인:1||disaster reporting:1||populist attitudes:1||public broadcasters:1||Mirroring technique:1||Innovation resistance model:1||LBS app connectedness:1||댓글:1||frame strength:1||game playing:1||가짜뉴스:1||뉴스 선택성:1||Game addiction:1||Audience Involvement:1||Political Information Efficacy:1||정치엔터테인먼트:1||정치 풍자:1||political entertainment:1||audience involvement:1||선거:1||Directional Goals:1||Depolarization:1||투표 선택:1||적대적 매체 지각과 제삼자 지각의 상호작용:1||386세대:1||generation:1||life satisfaction:1||Congenial Opinion Perception:1||대인 신뢰:1||사회 연결망:1||Political orientations:1||Political participation:1||Political socialization:1||Framing effects:1||Cyber defamation laws:1||political dialogue:1||대화의 숙의수준:1||숙의민주주의:1||텔레비전 후보자 토론회:1||이미지 속성:1||투표:1||의제형성:1||인적 다양성:1||노년층청년층정치참여자발적 시민참여 모형디지털 미디어:1||Political grievances:1||The Taegeukgi rallies:1||21대 총선:1||Voting choice determinants:1||2020 legislative election:1||생성형 인공지능 챗봇:1||ChatGPT:1||취재원 관행:1||Serbia:1||거울기법:1||Regulatory attitudes:1||Locationbased services:1||South Korea:1||The United States:1||젠더:1||Civic Voluntarism Model:1||2017년 대통령 선거:1||2017 presidential election:1||political polarization:1||저널리즘 전문성:1||정치정보효능감:1||intrinsic psychological needs:1||정치 엔터테인먼트:1||세대:1||사회적 소외감:1||삶의 만족도:1||서울시장 보궐선거:1||Seoul’s Mayoral Byelection:1||Interpersonal Trust:1||정치의식:1||캠페인 미디어:1||제18대 국회의원 총선거:1||2020년 총선:1||위성영상방송:1||Organizational Communication:1||매체 간 의제설정:1||politicization:1||오정보:1||perceived diversity climate:1||Protest participation:1||챗지피티:1||

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