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Why-최소공백화: TP 생략과 섬제약 효과Why-Stripping: TP Ellipsis and Island Effects
- Other Titles
- Why-Stripping: TP Ellipsis and Island Effects
- Authors
- 김정석
- Issue Date
- 2017
- Publisher
- 한국영어학회
- Keywords
- D-linking; Focus; Island Constraints; Repair-by-Ellipsis; Resumption; Sluicing; Stripping; Topic; Why-Stripping
- Citation
- 영어학, v.17, no.2, pp.255 - 274
- Indexed
- KCI
- Journal Title
- 영어학
- Volume
- 17
- Number
- 2
- Start Page
- 255
- End Page
- 274
- ISSN
- 1598-1398
- Abstract
- Kim, Jeongseok. 2017. Why-Stripping: TP Ellipsis and Island Effects. Korean Journal of English Language and Linguistics 17-2, 255-274. Yoshida et al. (2015) argue that Why-Stripping is an instance of TP ellipsis, preceded by focus movement. However, the remnant, following why in Why-Stripping, is not a focus but a topic which is linked to the previous discourse in that it is uttered. In this light, we argue that Why-Stripping results from topic movement followed by TP ellipsis. Given this analysis, we can shed light on the puzzle that Not-Stripping, Fragment, Sprouting Sluicing, and Contrast Sluicing―which are not D-linked―observe island constraints, but Why-Stripping and Merger Sluicing―which are D-linked―do not.
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Related Researcher
- Kim, Jeong Seok
- College of Liberal Arts (Department of English Language and Literature)